Labour market participation of Ukrainian refugees in Hungary through the lens of a survey

In the final phase of the SMART UA project’s comprehensive, labour market–focused research, a needs assessment was conducted among Ukrainian refugees. This phase was preceded by desk research, organisational mapping and the identification of good practices. The online questionnaire was distributed by civil society and faith-based aid organisations among their clients; therefore, the findings do not reflect the entire population of Ukrainian refugees in Hungary, but rather the situation of households connected to the civil support system.

Most respondents are women, the vast majority of households include children, and half of the sample (N=156) belongs to the 35–54 age group. This suggests that for many, forced displacement represents a disruption of an already established professional life rather than a young-age mobility experience.

Not a lack of willingness

Survey data clearly show that labour market integration is not constrained by a lack of motivation. Although only 40 percent of respondents are currently employed, nearly half of those who are not working explicitly identify themselves as jobseekers. This indicates that willingness to work is widespread, while low employment levels are primarily the result of access barriers and structural constraints.

Social and household circumstances further narrow room for manoeuvre. Only 8 percent of respondents live alone; more than half live in two- or three-person households, and nearly 40 percent share a dwelling with four or more people. The high proportion of households with children and multi-generational living arrangements means that employment decisions are often not individual choices but family-level coordination issues. Childcare responsibilities and the care of elderly or ill family members directly shape what types of work are realistically feasible. This is compounded by health-related vulnerability: 40 percent of respondents reported having a health condition that limits daily activities, and nearly one quarter of households include someone who requires daily assistance.

Employment and structural differences

Employment levels – 40% – differ markedly across social groups. Particularly telling is the inverse relationship between education and employment: respondents with lower level of education show a higher employment rate (55%) than those with tertiary degrees (35%). This indicates that higher human capital does not automatically translate into advantage. When qualifications are not recognised, language skills are insufficient for professional work, or access to regulated professions is restricted, higher education may slow rather than accelerate labour market integration.

Age is also a determining factor. Employment is highest among those aged 35–54 (46%), while it drops sharply among respondents over 54, where only 22 percent are employed. For older refugees,

health issues, difficulties in language acquisition and structural barriers to labour market reintegration accumulate.

Legal status also matters. Nearly 60 percent of dual citizens are employed, compared to only 36 percent of those under temporary protection. This difference reflects not so much legal entitlement as disparities in linguistic, school qualification, cultural and institutional embeddedness.

The quality of employment

Sixty percent of employed respondents work full time, while 40 percent are engaged in part-time or casual work. These arrangements are often not the result of flexible choice but of forced compromise, shaped by caregiving responsibilities, language barriers and insecure working conditions.

Employment is also highly concentrated by sector. The main entry points are services, industry/manufacturing and healthcare, while other sectors—such as education—appear only sporadically. This suggests that the labour market is open to refugees not across a wide range of competencies, but primarily in a limited number of sectors with lower entry thresholds.

Language as a gateway to the labour market

Lack of language proficiency is one of the most decisive barriers. Nearly 60 percent of respondents identified language difficulties as an obstacle to job search, and around two thirds believe that with adequate Hungarian language skills they could work in jobs matching their qualifications.

Language thus functions not merely as a technical requirement, but as a key determinant of occupational matching. Yet despite the fact that nearly half of respondents consider language training necessary, only about one third have ever participated in a course. This is due not only to limited capacity, but also to shift work, lack of childcare and transportation difficulties. Language disadvantage therefore emerges not as an individual shortcoming, but as a structural problem.

Qualifications and downward mobility

Recognition of qualifications operates as a mobility channel only for a narrow segment. Only around one fifth of respondents initiated the recognition of their qualifications, and among those who applied, recognition was achieved in the vast majority of cases. In parallel, more than 40 percent of respondents already experience the non-recognition of their qualifications or professional credentials as a barrier during job search, suggesting that many lack adequate information about when and how recognition procedures should be initiated.

While half of respondents consider it important to work in jobs matching their qualifications, only 22 percent believe they could easily find such employment in Hungary. Nearly half of those who are employed work in positions that are not, or only partially, related to their previous education and professional experience. Entry into the labour market therefore often entails downward mobility, implying a partial loss of accumulated human capital.

Care responsibilities and mobility constraints

Reconciling work and family responsibilities is one of the most significant structural challenges. More than 60 percent of respondents report difficulties in balancing employment and caregiving duties, and 34 percent identify lack of childcare as a direct barrier to employment.

Transportation barriers are also substantial. Forty percent of respondents report that distance to the workplace and mobility constraints hinder access to employment. In many cases, these limitations exclude certain job opportunities altogether.

Openness and insecurity

Forty percent of respondents perceive employers as generally open to employing refugees. At the same time, nearly one fifth of jobseekers explicitly look for workplaces where they can be sure they will not face discrimination. This duality suggests that alongside formal openness, safety and equal treatment cannot yet be taken for granted.

Not a lack of motivation, but a lack of conditions

Overall, the survey paints a clear picture: labour market integration of Ukrainian refugees is not hindered by a lack of individual willingness. Most respondents want to work and seek employment that is compatible with family responsibilities and matches their qualifications. The main obstacles lie in missing structural conditions: limited access to language training, difficulties in the recognition of qualifications, lack of caregiving infrastructure, and transportation and administrative barriers.

Based on the findings, labour market integration in Hungary emerges not as an attitudinal issue, but as an institutional and infrastructural one. As long as these conditions do not improve, willingness to work alone cannot translate into stable and sustainable labour market participation.

Co-funded by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are, however, those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Social Fund Agency. Neither the European Union nor the Granting Authority can be held responsible for them.